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View Full Version : James Kunstler on Cars/oil crisis etc



Bruce
04-09-2007, 03:01 PM
:think: Pretty interesting stuff
MP3 of the

speech
http://media.globalpublicmedia.com/RM/2007/03/James_Kunstler_Talk_3-26.mp3

Text version

below:
Two years ago in my book The Long Emergency I wrote that our nation was sleepwalking into an era of

unprecedented hardship and disorder - largely due to the end of reliably cheap and abundant oil. We're still

blindly following that path into a dangerous future, lost in dark raptures of infotainment, diverted by inane

preoccupations with sex and celebrity, made frantic by incessant motoring.
The coming age of energy scarcity

will change everything about how we live in this country. It will ignite more desperate contests between nations for

the remaining oil and natural gas around the world. It will alter the fundamental terms of industrial economies. It

will ramify and amplify many of the problems presented by climate change. It will require us to behave differently.

But we are not paying attention.
As the American public continues sleepwalking into a future of energy

scarcity, climate change, and geopolitical turmoil, we have also continued dreaming. Our collective dream is one of

those super-vivid ones people have just before awakening, as the fantastic transports of the unconscious begin to

merge with the demands of waking reality. The dream is a particularly American dream on an American theme: how to

keep all the cars running by some other means than gasoline. We'll run them on ethanol! We'll run them on

biodiesel, on synthesized coal liquids, on hydrogen, on methane gas, on electricity, on used French-fry oil ...!


The dream goes around in fevered circles as each gasoline-replacement is examined and found to be

inadequate. But the wish to keep the cars going is so powerful that round and round the dream goes. Ethanol!

Biodiesel! Coal Liquids....
And a harsh reality indeed awaits us as the full scope of the permanent energy

crisis unfolds. The global oil production peak is not a cult theory, it's a fact. The earth does not have a creamy

nougat center of petroleum. The supply is finite, and we have ample evidence that all-time global production has

peaked.
Of course, the issue is not about running out of oil, and never has been. There will always be some

oil left underground - it just might take more than a barrel-of-oil's worth of energy to pump each barrel out, so

it won't be worth doing.
The issue is not about running out - it's about what happens when you head over

the all-time production peak down the slippery slope of depletion. And what happens is that the complex systems we

depend on for everyday life in advanced societies begin to falter, wobble, and fail - and the failures in each

system will in turn weaken the others. By complex systems I mean the way we produce our food, the way we conduct

manufacture and trade, the way we operate banking and finance, the way we move people and things from one place to

another, and the way we inhabit the landscape.
I'll try not to dwell excessively on the statistics since I

am more concerned here with the implications for everyday life in our nation. But it is probably helpful to

understand a few of the numbers.
Oil production in the US peaked in 1970. We're now producing about half of

what we did then, and our own production continues to run down steadily at the rate of a few percentage points of

recoverable reserves each year. It adds up. In 1970, we were producing about 10 million barrels a day. Now we're

down to less than five - and we consume over 20 million barrels a day. We have compensated for that since 1970 by

importing oil from other nations. Today we import about two-thirds of all the oil we use. Today, the world is

consuming all the oil it can produce. As global production passes its own peak, the world will not be able to

compensate for its shortfall by importing oil from other planets.
Nor is there any real likelihood that new

discoveries will be adequate to compensate. Discovery precedes production, of course, because you can't pump oil

that you haven't discovered. Discovery of oil in the US peaked in the 1930s - and production started declining

roughly 30 years later. Discovery of oil peaked worldwide in the 1960s, and now the signs suggest the world has

peaked. Discovery of new oil worldwide in recent years has amounted to a tiny fraction of replacement levels. In

fact, we may be burning more oil just in our exploration efforts than we will get from the oil we're discovering.


The oil industry has been dominated by what are called super giant fields. The four reigning super giant

fields of oil our time were discovered decades ago and are now in decline. The Burgan field of Kuwait, the Daqing of

China, Cantarell of Mexico, and Ghawar of Saudi Arabia. Together in recent decades they were responsible for 14

percent of the world's oil production, and they are now in decline. All except Ghawar of Saudi Arabia have been

declared officially past peak by their own governments and Ghawar is showing clear signs of trouble - though Aramco

itself won't say so. Ghawar has provided 60 percent of Saudi Arabia's production. Saudi Arabia's total production

is down 8 percent in the year past, despite a massive increase in drilling rigs, and the incentive of high prices.


Last year, the Mexican national oil company, Pemex, declared its super giant field, Cantarell, to be

officially past peak and in decline. As in the case with Ghawar and Saudi Arabia, Cantarell has been responsible for

60 percent of Mexico's oil production. Cantarell is now crashing at an official decline rate of at least 15 percent

a year - perhaps steeper. Mexico has been our No. 3 source of oil imports (after Canada and Saudi Arabia). The crash

of Cantarell means in just a few years Mexico, our No. 3 source of imports, will have no surplus oil to sell to the

US. It also means that the Mexican government will be strapped for operating revenue - and you can draw your own

conclusions about the political implications.
The North Sea and Alaska's North Slope were some of the last

great discoveries of the oil era. Plentiful North Sea and Alaskan production took away OPEC's leverage over the oil

markets. This led to the oil glut of the 1990s, driving oil prices down finally to $10 a barrel. It is also what

induced the American public to fall asleep on energy issues. It seemed as if cheap oil was here to stay. Forever.


Both The North Sea and Alaska are now past peak and in depletion. Prudhoe Bay proved to be Alaska's only

super giant oil field. Several other key fields were discovered. None were even 1/6th the size of Prudhoe Bay.


North Sea oil was produced using the latest-and-greatest new technology for drilling and guess what: it only

allowed the region to be drained more rapidly and efficiently. Now 57 of Norway's 69 oil fields are past peak and

the average post-peak decline rates average 17 percent a year. The UK's share of the North Sea has declined to the

extent that England is now a net energy importer.
Russia, despite current high levels of post-Soviet-era

production, peaked in the 1980s, and may now be past 70 percent of its ultimate recoverable reserves. Iran is past

peak. Indonesia, an OPEC member, is so far past peak it became a net oil importer last year. Venezuela is past peak.

Iraq and Nigeria are consumed by political insurrection. The companies developing Canada's tar sands have announced

this past year that their costs will double original estimates - in other words, whatever comes out of the ground

there will be very expensive.
Meanwhile, in the background, completely ignored by the US media, an

additional problem is developing on the oil scene. Net world production is going down by just under 3 percent a

year, but total exports from the top ten exporters are going down at an even steeper rate. Geologist Jeffrey Brown,

among the excellent technicians at TheOilDrum.com <http://theoildrum.com/> website, writes that the top ten

exporters are showing a net export decline rate of 7 percent the past year, trending toward a 50 percent export

decline over the coming ten years. Why? Because on top of production decline rates, nations like Saudi Arabia, Iran,

and Venezuela are using more of their own oil at home with rising populations and more automobiles.
A few

additional background items. Most of the easy-to-get, light and sweet crude oil is gone. We got that out of the

ground in the run-up to peak [oil]. We found that high quality oil in temperate places onshore, like Texas, where it

was easy and pleasant to work, and the stuff was relatively close to the surface. The remaining oil is, each year,

proportionally made up more of heavy and sour crudes that are hard to refine and yield less gasoline. Most of the

refinery capacity in the world cannot process these heavy and sour crudes and there is no world-class industrial

effort to build new ones - and on top of that, existing world refinery infrastructure is old and rusty. Finally,

most of the remaining oil in the world exists either in geographically forbidding places where it is extremely

difficult and expensive to work, like deep water out in the ocean or in frozen regions, or else it belongs to people

who are indisposed to be friendly to us.
The natural gas situation is at least equally ominous, with some

differences in the technical details - and by the way, I'm referring here not to gasoline but to methane gas (CH4),

the stuff we run in kitchen stoves and home furnaces. Natural gas doesn't deplete slowly like oil, following a

predictable bell curve pattern; it simply stops coming out of the ground very suddenly, and then that particular gas

well is played out. You get your gas from the continent you're on. Natural gas is moved to customers in the US,

Canada, and Mexico in an extensive pipeline network. To import natural gas from overseas, it has to be liquefied,

loaded in a special kind of expensive-to-build-and-operate tanker ship, and then offloaded at specialized marine

terminal, all adding layers of cost. The process also obviously affords us poor control over not-always-friendly

foreign suppliers.
Half the homes in America are heated with gas furnaces and about 16 percent of our

electricity is made with it. Industry uses natural gas as the main ingredient in fertilizer, plastics, ink, glue,

paint, laundry detergent, insect repellents and many other common household necessities. Synthetic rubber and

man-made fibers like nylon could not be made without the chemicals derived from natural gas. In North America,

natural gas production peaked in 1973. We are drilling as fast as we can to keep the air conditioners and furnaces

running.
That's the background on our energy predicament. Against this background is the whole question of

how we live in the United States. I wrote three books previously about the fiasco of suburbia. There are many ways

of describing it, but lately I refer to it as the greatest misallocation of resources in the history of the world.

Why? Because it is a living arrangement with no future. Why doesn't it have a future? Because it was designed to

run on cheap oil and gas, and in just a few years we won't have those things anymore.
Having made these

choices, we are now hobbled by a tragic psychology of previous investment - that is, having poured so much of our

late-20th century wealth into this living arrangement - this Happy Motoring utopia - we can't imagine letting go of

it, or substantially reforming it.
We have compounded the problem lately by making the building of suburban

sprawl the basis of our economy. Insidiously, we have replaced America's manufacturing capacity with an economy

based on building evermore suburban houses and the accessories and furnishings that go with them - the highway

strips, the big box shopping pods, et cetera - meaning that our economy is now largely based on building more and

more stuff with no future - on a continued misallocation of resources. Roughly 40 percent of the new jobs created

between 2001 and last year were in housing bubble related fields - the builders, the real estate agents, the

mortgage brokers, the installers of granite countertops. If you subtracted the housing bubble from the rest of the

economy in recent years, there wouldn't be much left besides hair-styling, fried chicken, and open heart surgery.

Much of this housing bubble itself was promulgated by an equally unprecedented lapse in standards and norms of

finance - a tragedy-in-the-making that has now begun to unwind. What are we going to do about our extreme oil

dependence and the living arrangement that goes with it?
There's a widespread wish across America these

days that some combination of alternative fuels will rescue us; will allow us to continue enjoying by some other

means what has been called "the non-negotiable American way of life." The wish is perhaps understandable given the

psychology of previous investment.
But the truth is that no combination of alternative fuels or systems for

using them will allow us to continue running America the way we have been, or even a substantial fraction of it. We

are not going to run Wal Mart, Walt Disney World, Monsanto, and the interstate highway system on any combination of

solar or wind energy, hydrogen, nuclear, ethanol, tar sands, oil shale, methane hydrates, thermal depolymerization,

zero-point energy, used french-fry oil, or anything else you can name. We will desperately use many of these things

in many ways, but we are likely to be disappointed by what they can actually do for us, particularly in terms of

scale - apart from the fact that most or all of them are probably net energy losers in economic terms.
For

instance, we are much more likely to use wind power on a household or neighborhood basis rather than in deployments

of Godzilla-sized turbines in so-called wind farms.
The key to understanding what we face is that we have to

comprehensively make other arrangements for all the normal activities of everyday life. It is a long, detailed "to

do" list that we can't afford to ignore. The public discussion of these issues is impressively incoherent. This

failure of the collective imagination is reflected in the especially poor job being done by the mainstream media

covering this story - in particular, The New York Times, which does little besides publish feel-good press releases

from Cambridge Energy Research Associates, the oil industry's chief public relations consultant.
These

days, the only aspect of these issues that we are willing to talk about at all is how we might keep all our cars

running by other means. We have to get beyond this obsession with running the cars by other means. The future is not

just about motoring. We have to make other arrangements comprehensively for all the major activities of daily life

in this nation.
We'll have to grow our food differently. The ADM/Monsanto/Cargill model of industrial-scale

agribusiness will not survive the discontinuities of the Long Emergency - the system of pouring oil-and-gas-based

fertilizers and herbicides on the ground to grow all the cheez doodles and hamburgers. As oil and gas deplete, we

will be left with sterile soils and farming organized at an unworkable scale. Many lives will depend on our ability

to fix this.
We will find out the hard way that we can't afford to dedicate our crop lands to growing

grains and soybeans for ethanol and biodiesel. A Pennsylvania farmer put it this way to me last month: "It looks

like we're going to take the last six inches of Midwest topsoil and burn it in our gas tanks." The disruptions to

world grain supplies by the ethanol mania are just beginning to thunder through the system. Last months there were

riots in Mexico City because so much Mexican corn is now being already being diverted to American ethanol production

that poor people living on the economic margins cannot afford to pay for their food staples.
You can see, by

the way, how this is a tragic extension of our obsession with running all the cars.
In the years ahead,

farming will come back much closer to the center of American economic life. It will necessarily have to be done more

locally, at a smaller-and-finer scale, and will require more human attention. Many of the value-added activities

associated with farming - making products like cheese, wine, oils - will also have to be done much more locally.

This situation presents excellent business and vocational opportunities for America's young people. It also

presents huge problems in land-use reform. Not to mention the fact that the knowledge and skill for doing these

things has to be painstakingly retrieved from the dumpster of history.
We're going to have to move people

and things from place to place differently. It is imperative that we restore the US passenger railroad system. No

other project we could do right away would have such a positive impact on our oil consumption. We used to have a

railroad system that was the envy of the world. Now we have a system that the Bulgarians would be ashamed of.


The infrastructure for this great task is lying out there rusting in the rain. This project would put scores of

thousands of people to work at meaningful jobs, at every level, from labor to management. It would benefit all ranks

of society. Fixing the US passenger rail system doesn't require any great technological leaps into the unknown. The

technology is thoroughly understood. The fact that from end-to-end of the political spectrum there is no public

discussion about fixing the US passenger rail system shows how un-serious we are.
There's another

compelling reason we should undertake the great project of repairing the US passenger rail system: it is something

that would restore our confidence, a way we could demonstrate to ourselves that we are competent and capable of

meeting the difficult challenges of this energy-scarce future.... And it might inspire us to get on with the other

great tasks that we will have to face.
By the way, it is important that we electrify our railroad system.

All the other advanced nations have electric rail systems which allow them to run on something other than fossil

fuel or to control the source point of the carbon emissions and pollution in the case of coal-fired power

generation. Electric motors are far simpler and way more efficient even than diesel engines. The US was well

underway with the project of electrifying our railroad system, but we just gave up after the Second World War as we

directed all our investment to the interstate highway system instead.
We're going to have to move things by

boat. But we've just finished a 50-year effort in taking apart most of the infrastructure for maritime trade in

America. Our harbors and riverfronts have been almost completely de-activated. The public now thinks that harbors

and riverfronts should only be used for condo sites, parks, bikeways, band shells and festival marketplaces. Guess

what: We're going to have to put back the piers and warehouses and even the crummy accommodations for sailors.


We're going to have to move a lot more stuff by water or our ability to do commerce will suffer. Meanwhile, if

we use trucks, it will be for the very last local increment of the journey. Leaders in business and municipal

politics will have to wrap their minds around this new reality.
We are probably in the twilight of Happy

Motoring - as we have known it. The automobile will be a diminished presence in our lives. I'm not saying that cars

will disappear, but it will become self-evident that our extreme dependency will have to end. It is possible, but

not likely, that affordable electric cars will come on the market before we get into serious trouble with oil. More

likely, we'll be facing an entirely new political problem with cars as motoring becomes increasingly only something

that the economic elite can enjoy.
For decades, motoring has been absolutely democratic. Everybody from the

lowliest hamburger flipper to the richest Microsoft millionaire could participate in the American motoring program.

Right now, let's say six percent of adults in this nation can't drive, for one reason or another: They're blind,

too old, too poor, et cetera. What if that number rose to 13 percent, or 26 percent of Americans because either the

price of fuel or the cost of a vehicle rose beyond their means. Do you suppose that a whole new mood of grievance

and resentment might arise against those who were still driving cars? And how would the large new class of

non-drivers feel about paying taxes to maintain the very expensive interstate highway systems?
Back to the

Task List:
We're going to have to make other arrangements for commerce and manufacturing. The national

chain discount stores that took over American retail in recent decades will not survive the discontinuities of the

Long Emergency. Their business equations and methods of operations will fail, in particular their remorseless

cancer-like drive toward replication and expansion. They will lack the resilience to adapt due to their gigantic

scale of operations - a scale that will no longer be appropriate to the contracting available energy "nutrients."


The so-called "warehouse on wheels" composed of thousands of trucks circulating incessantly around the

interstate highways will not work economically in a new era of scarcer and expensive oil. Not to mention the

12,000-mile supply line to the factories of Asia which we have tragically come to depend on for so many of our

household goods.
We have to check all our assumptions at the door about how things will work in the years

ahead. Lately, thanks to Tom Friedman and other cheerleaders for the global economy, we've adopted the notion that

globalism is a permanent condition of life. I think we will be disappointed to learn the truth - that globalism was

a set of transient economic relations made possible at a particular time by very special conditions, namely half a

century of cheap energy and half a century of relative peace between the great powers.
Those conditions are

about to end, and with them, I predict, will go many of the far-flung economic relations that we've come to rely

on. When the US and China are contesting for the world's remaining oil resources, do you think it's possible that

our trade relations might be affected? These are things we had better be prepared to think about it. China has way

outstripped its own dwindling oil supply. China has gone all over the world in recent years systematically making

contracts for future delivery of oil with other nations, including Canada, as that nation ramps up production of the

tar sands in Alberta.
I want to remind you that there is such a thing as the Monroe Doctrine, an American

foreign policy position that essentially forbids nations outside the western hemisphere from intruding in or

exploiting affairs in this part of the world. It may be an old and perhaps an arrogant policy - but I predict the

time will come when the United States will invoke it in order to preserve our access to Canadian oil supplies. And

if-and-when that occurs, what do you suppose that will mean to our trade relations with China? How many plastic

wading pools and salad shooters will Wal-Mart be ordering then?
These are the kinds of things we are not

thinking about at all, and which leave us woefully unprepared to face a very uncertain future.
Getting back

to retail trade in the US - it is important to recognize the damage that the national discount chain stores have

already done in systematically destroying local commercial economies. If you travel around the main street towns of

this nation, as I do, you see places in Pennsylvania, and Michigan, and Alabama, and Oklahoma, and Connecticut, and

in my region of the upper Hudson Valley in New York that look like former soviet backwaters. The destruction, the

abandonment and desolation in the fabric of our towns is just out of this world.
This era of chain store

supremacy will not continue far into the future, and as it wobbles and falls we will be faced with a tremendous task

of rebuilding the fine-grained, multi-layered local networks of economic interdependency that the chain stores

destroyed. As that rebuilding occurs we will restore social roles as well as economic roles that have long been

absent in our home places.
In destroying local retail infrastructures, the chain stores wiped out a whole

mercantile middle class. These were the people who ran local businesses, who sat on the library and hospital boards,

who sponsored the little league baseball, who employed their neighbors and had to behave decently toward them, as

well as treating their neighbors decently in matters of trade. They were people who uniformly had to take care of at

least two buildings in town - the place where they did business and the place where they lived. These were the

people who were the caretakers of our communities, and the extermination of this class of citizens has been

devastating.
We don't know how we are going to make things again in America, for instance, ordinary

household products. We're not going to re-live the 20th century, when the US was on a great upswing of energy

resources and we made everything for ourselves from toasters to record players. Where I live, in the upper Hudson

and Mohawk Valley region of New York, most of the factories have actually been knocked down in the past 20 years.

The water power is still there in many of these places, but the buildings are gone. Among all our other wishes,

there is a wish that we will innovate stunning new methods for making things, such as nanotechnology. I'd repeat

that we'd better check all our assumptions at the door and that we are liable to be disappointed by what these

wishes will eventually lead to.
I think the truth is, we are going to have fewer things to buy. The

Blue-Light-Special retail orgy of recent decades will fade into history, and shopping will retreat into the

background of daily life. Consuming things will not be our sole reason for living.
The role of finance as we

know it today will be severely challenged by the Long Emergency. Declining energy supplies have one particular grave

implication for industrial societies: that they can no longer take for granted the 3 to 7 percent annual growth in

gross domestic product that has been assumed to be normal throughout recent history. In fact, the energy picture -

the dwindling of a particular, extraordinary, one-time, very special resource - implies a general contraction of

productive activity.
Our expectations for growth are vested in tradable paper certificates - currencies,

stocks, bonds, and other instruments that represent our confidence that society will produce more wealth, and that

this increase can be enjoyed in the form of profits and dividends. What happens when that consensus about reliable

increase falls apart? What happens to the entire edifice of finance when these abstract certificates are no longer

backed by the faith of people who have been trading them?
We can see the beginning of this process right now

in the unwinding of the home mortgage sector. This recent experiment in the abolition of moral hazard, in the

suspension of norms-and-standards in lending, in the fobbing off of risk, is climaxing in one of the great debacles

of modern economics. It was based on the idea that immense numbers of promises for future payment could be bundled

into bonds, resold, and parlayed to leverage evermore abstract casino-like bets masquerading as investments. This is

anything but investment in future productive activity.
It is now being discovered that at the foundation of

all this jive-finance activity lie bundles of broken promises, "non-performing loans," as they're called. It

remains to be seen how this mortgage-and-housing bubble fiasco will play out, but I think it will be one of the

major events leading to an overall loss of presumed wealth for American society. And is likely, as well, to infect

the jury-rigged structures of global finance to a disastrous degree.
The key to all our everyday activities

in the future is scale. We will probably have to live more locally than has been the case in recent decades. I think

we can state categorically that anything organized on the gigantic scale, whether it is an agricultural system, or a

finance system, or a corporation, or a chain of stores, or a school, or a government, is going to run into trouble.


School is another item on our "to do" list of things that we have to make other arrangements for. The

gigantic centralized public school systems all over America that depend on the massive fleets of yellow school buses

for collecting the students every morning around the 50-mile-radius 'pupil sheds' - this way of doing things will

probably encounter failure. Not to mention that we used the same kind of sprawling, one-story, flat-roofed buildings

in Florida as in Minnesota - and given the situation with natural gas we'll have trouble heating these buildings in

the colder states. Of course there are plenty of reasons to suspect that schools this large, designed like medium

security prisons, are not optimum settings for learning even if oil and gas were plentiful.
Complicating the

issue is the fact that our school systems are at the center of the psychology of previous investment. We have put so

much of our collective wealth in these sprawling, oversized, vehicle-dependent institutions - with all their

fabulous amenities of swimming pools, video labs, and free parking - that it will be very difficult for us to let go

of them - even after it is self-evident that they are no longer working. What will replace our giant centralized

public schools? School districts will be starved for cash in the Long Emergency. I doubt that we will be able to

replace the centralized schools with a whole new system of smaller buildings distributed more equitably around the

places where people live. If anything, I suppose a replacement may arise out of home schooling, especially as home

schools aggregate into larger neighborhood units so that every parent doesn't have to duplicate the vocational role

of teacher (and of course not all parents would even be capable of acting in that role).
The destiny of

higher education ought to be especially troubling. The giant universities are exactly the kinds of institutions that

will prove unwieldy and unsupportable in the Long Emergency. College will cease to be the mass consumer activity it

became in the cheap energy heyday. If it survives at all, it is likely to be - as earlier in history - an activity

for a much smaller economic elite.
The question of class relations per se will be affected by our energy

situation, since it is necessarily linked to our economy. The Long Emergency is going to produce a lot of economic

losers - a whole new group I call the formerly middle class. They will lose jobs, vocations, and incomes that they

will never get back. They are going to be full of grievance, anger, resentment, and bewilderment at the loss of

their entitlements to the "non-negotiable" American way of life, including home ownership and affordable happy

motoring. They are likely to express these feelings politically. We will be lucky if they do not turn to demagogues

who promise to mount one sort of campaign or another to restore the entitlements of suburbia.
Such a

campaign would be an enormous exercise in futility and a gross waste of our scarce remaining resources. But it is

the kind of thing that happens when a society comes under extreme stress, and we had better be prepared for it.

Social friction may also be prompted as agriculture comes closer to the center of our economic life, and we're

faced with conflict between those who retain wealth in productive land and those who must resort to working in

agriculture to make a living. In history, this typically sets the stage for the radical redistribution of property,

seizure of land, in short, for political revolution. It could happen here. We are certain to experience epochal

demographic shifts in any case. The 200-year-long trend of people leaving the rural places and the small towns to go

to the big cities will very likely go into reverse.
Our hyper-gigantic cities and so-called metroplexes are

a pure product of the 200-year-long upward arc of cheap energy. Like other things of gigantic scale, our cities will

get into trouble. They are going to contract substantially. The cities that are composed overwhelmingly of suburban

fabric will be most susceptible to failure. Orlando, Houston, Atlanta. The cities that are overburdened with

skyscrapers will face an additional layer of trouble - the skyscraper, like the mega-city, was a product of cheap

energy, and we are going to have trouble running them, especially heating them without cheap natural gas.
As

our cities contract, I think they will re-densify at their centers and around their waterfronts, if they are located

favorably on water, and depending on how (or if) rising ocean levels might affect them. The process of contraction

in our cities is likely to be difficult, disorderly and unequal. Some cities will do better than others. In my

opinion, Phoenix and Tucson will be substantially depopulated. They will face additional problems with their ability

to produce food locally and with water.
In Las Vegas, the excitement will be over. That will be a good thing

since it has become the holy shrine of America's new chief religion: the worship of unearned riches - based on the

belief that it is possible to get something for nothing - a belief that underlies, by the way, a great deal of the

delusional thinking abroad in this land about the ability of alternative fuels and energy schemes to rescue our

current mode of living.
It is hard to be optimistic about the destiny of our suburbs. My referring to them

as the greatest misallocation of resources in the history of the world pretty much says it all. There will be a wish

to rescue them, of course, but it is unlikely to go beyond the wishing stage. We will be a less affluent society in

the years ahead than we were when we built the suburbs in the first place, and we will have fewer resources to fix

them or retrofit them. The Jolly Green Giant is not going to come and move the houses closer to the shopping - to

undo the vast absurdities of single-use-zoning.
We could reform our codes and regulations which have

virtually mandated a suburban sprawl outcome in every American locality - but it's a little late for that. The

horse is out of the barn on that one. And anyway, I believe the mortgage-and-housing bubble fiasco will mark the end

of the whole project of suburbanization per se. I don't believe the production home builders will ever recover from

it in our lifetimes; we certainly don't need a single additional Wal-Mart or fried food joint; and the energy

problems we face will eventually overcome all our wishes to keep that system going, whether we like it or not.


Realistically, I think we will have to return to a set of traditional ways of inhabiting the terrain - towns,

smaller-scaled cities composed of walkable neighborhoods, and a productive rural landscape with more of a human

presence than we see in today's countryside. We have thousands of smaller towns and cities waiting to be

re-inhabited and re-activated. Most of them occupy geographically important or valuable sites, especially the ones

near fresh running water.
For the past two decades I have been associated with the New Urbanist movement.

The New Urbanists were architects, planners, and developers who recognized the tremendous weaknesses and liabilities

of the suburban pattern and have been campaigning to reform the way we build things in this country. Their methods

are consistent with what we are going to need in the decades ahead to refashion human habitats that have a future

and which are worth caring about.
The great achievement of the New Urbanists was not in the projects and new

towns that they designed and caused to get built in recent years, but in their heroic act of retrieving lost

knowledge from the dumpster of history - a whole body of principles, methods, and skills necessary to design places

worth living in. This was knowledge and principle that we had thrown away in our mad rush to become a drive-in

utopia. We threw it away thinking that we could replace urban design and artistry with mere traffic engineering and

statistical analysis. The result of that is now visible for all to see in the tragic landscape of the highway strips

and the single-income housing pods. What we managed to do was build a land full of scary places that turned us into

a nation of scary people. But this was the final tragedy of suburbia: we put up thousands of places that aren't

worth caring about, not understanding that when we had enough of them, we might be left with a nation not worth

defending.
So there you have a comprehensive "to do" list of efforts we can make to meet the challenges of

the permanent global energy crisis, things we can do to mount an intelligent response to these circumstances that

reality is sending our way. Growing more of our food locally; restoring our railroads and other forms of public

transit; rebuilding local networks of commerce and economic interdependency; reorganizing education at an

appropriate scale for the future.
We cannot assume a seamless transition between where we are today and

where we're going. It maybe turbulent and disorderly.
We cannot assume that technology alone will rescue

us. In fact, one of the major obstacles to clear thinking these days is the mistaken belief that technology and

energy are the same thing; that they are interchangeable; that if you run out of one, you can just plug in the

other.
Energy and technology are related to each other but they are not the same. Technology may help us get

energy resources, or use energy resources, but it is not an energy resource itself. We assume magical properties for

technology largely because, in our lifetimes, the energy has always been there behind it, steady, dependable, and

cheap.
What's more energy and technology both entail very insidious side effects. Energy throws off

entropy, a protean force of disorder and loss that manifests in everything from the wasted heat coming out of an

engine tailpipe to the immersive ugliness of the American commercial highway strip - which is entropy-made-visible.


Technology throws off diminishing returns, in the sense that the more complex you make things, often the

worse the effect on society as a whole. My favorite example is the telephone system. For more than two decades we

have invested billions in computerizing every phone system in the land. The net result, after all that investment

and effort, is that it is practically impossible to reach a live human being on a telephone - not to mention the

monumental ten-times-a-day aggravation of getting booted into a computerized phone menu leading to the purgatory of

terminal "hold."
I hope we can overcome our tendencies to try to get something for nothing and to engage in

wishful thinking. The subject of hope itself is an interesting one. College kids on the lecture circuit always ask

me if I can give them some hope. Apparently, they find this view of the future to be discouraging. It may mean fewer

hours playing Grand Theft Auto with a side order of Domino's pepperoni pizza, but there are many positive

implications for our lives in the future. We may once again live in places worth caring about, where beauty and

grace are considered everybody's birthright. We may work side-by-side with our neighbors, on things that are

meaningful. Instead of canned entertainments, we may hear the sounds of our own voices making music, see the works

of our own dramatists and dancers.
Hope is something we really have to supply for ourselves. We are our own

generators of hope, and we do it by demonstrating to ourselves that we are capable of facing the circumstances of

our time, of working competently to meet these challenges, and of learning the difference between wishing and doing.

In fact, what we need is not so much hope, but confidence in our inherent abilities and the will to act.


We've got a lot to do. We've got to put down the iPods and get busy. There's no time for hand-wringing and

whining.
As Yogi Berra said, our whole future's ahead of us.

idesign
06-30-2007, 08:59 PM
:think:

Pretty interesting stuff MP3 of the speech

http://media.globalpublicmedia.com/RM/2007/03/James_Kunstler_Talk_3-26.mp3 Text version below:



We've got a lot to do. We've got to put down the iPods and get busy. There's no time for hand-wringing

and whining. As Yogi Berra said, our whole future's ahead of us.

Seems to me like this whole

speech is nothing if not "hand-wringing and whining". What use is complaining about the world you live in? Get off

your lecture circuit and do something positive for a change. I've read Kunstler, and his fear-based genre is

akin to Al Gore's.

If we opened the way for nuclear energy devleopment in a serious way, you'd see oil

demand (and prices, and dependence on foreign sources) drop like our current Congress' approval ratings (lower than

Pres. Bush's, which is low indeed).

Oh, I forgot, we're afraid of nuclear energy.

Sorry Bruce, not a

dig on you. It IS an interesting speech, I just don't buy it. Sometimes I think we create the circumstances of

our own downfall, even in a personal sense :blink: but there are ways to overcome problems, and its usually by

action, not harping, and that is exactly what Mr. Kunstler does for a living. He does do an awesome

paint-by-numbers act though.

http://www.kunstler.com/paintings%204.html

Sorry to be a pain,

esp. as a newbie,
Greg





Every time I read one of these diatribes its like, totally,

omg!

"deja vu all over again" -Yogi Berra

Mtnjim
09-17-2007, 05:59 PM
Greenspan, Kissinger: Oil Drives U.S. in Iraq, Iran
By Robert Weissman
September 17, 2007



Alan Greenspan had acknowledged what is blindingly obvious to those who live in the reality-based world: The

Iraq War was largely about oil.

Meanwhile, Henry Kissinger says in an op-ed in Sunday's Washington Post that

control over oil is the key issue that should determine whether the U.S. undertakes military action against Iran.



These statements would not be remarkable, but for the effort of a broad swath of the U.S. political

establishment to deny the central role of oil in U.S. involvement in the Middle East.

Greenspan's remarks,

appearing first in his just-published memoirs, are eyebrow-raising for their directness:

"Whatever their

publicized angst over Saddam Hussein's 'weapons of mass destruction,' American and British authorities were also

concerned about violence in the area that harbors a resource indispensable for the functioning of the world

economy. I am saddened that it is politically inconvenient to acknowledge what everyone knows: the Iraq war is

largely about oil."

His follow-up remarks have been even more direct. "I thought the issue of weapons of mass

destruction as the excuse was utterly beside the point," he told the Guardian.

Greenspan also tells the

Washington Post's Bob Woodward that he actively lobbied the White House to remove Saddam Hussein for the express

purpose of protecting Western control over global oil supplies.

"I'm saying taking Saddam out was essential,"

Greenspan said. But, writes Woodward, Greenspan "added that he was not implying that the war was an oil grab."



"No, no, no," he said. Getting rid of Hussein achieved the purpose of "making certain that the existing system

[of oil markets] continues to work, frankly, until we find other [energy supplies], which ultimately we will."



There's every reason to credit this view. U.S. oil companies surely have designs on Iraqi oil, and were

concerned about inroads by French and other firms under Saddam. But the top U.S. geopolitical concern is making

sure the oil remains in the hands of those who will cooperate with Western economies.

Henry Kissinger echoes

this view in his op-ed. "Iran has legitimate aspirations that need to be respected," he writes -- but those

legitimate aspirations do not include control over the oil that the United States and other industrial countries

need.( :nono: My comment-I thought it is their oil until they sell it to us)



"An Iran that practices subversion and seeks regional hegemony -- which appears to be the current trend -- must

be faced with lines it will not be permitted to cross. The industrial nations cannot accept radical forces

dominating a region on which their economies depend, and the acquisition of nuclear weapons by Iran is incompatible

with international security."

Note that Kissinger prioritizes Iranian (or "radical") control over regional oil

supplies over concern about the country acquiring nuclear weapons.

One might reasonably suggest that Greenspan

and Kissinger are only pointing out the obvious. (Kissinger himself refers to his concerns about Iran as

"truisms.")

But these claims have not been accepted as obvious in U.S. political life.

The Iraq was "is not

about oil" became a mantra among the pro-war crowd in the run-up to the commencement of hostilities and in the

following months. A small sampling --

Said President Bush: The idea that the United States covets Iraqi oil

fields is a "wrong impression." "I have a deep desire for peace. That's what I have a desire for. And freedom for

the Iraqi people. See, I don't like a system where people are repressed through torture and murder in order to

keep a dictator in place. It troubles me deeply. And so the Iraqi people must hear this loud and clear, that this

country never has any intention to conquer anybody."

Condoleeza Rice, in response to the proposition, "if

Saddam's primary export or natural resource was olive oil rather than oil, we would not be going through this

situation," said: "This cannot be further from the truth. … He is a threat to his neighbors. He's a threat to

American security interest. That is what the president has in mind." She continued: "This is not about oil."



Colin Powell: "This is not about oil; this is about a tyrant, a dictator, who is developing weapons of mass

destruction to use against the Arab populations."

Donald Rumsfeld: "It's not about oil and it's not about

religion."

White House spokesperson Ari Fleischer on the U.S. desire to access Iraqi oil fields: "there's just

nothing to it."

Coalition Provisional Authority Paul Bremer: "I have heard that allegation and I simply reject

it."

General John Abizaid, Combatant Commander, Central Command, "It's not about oil."

Energy Secretary

Spencer Abraham: "It was not about oil."

"It's not about the oil," the Financial Times reported Richard Perle

shouting at a parking attendant in frustration.

Australian Treasurer Peter Costello: "This is not about oil."



Former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger: "The only thing I can tell you is this war is not about oil."



Jack Straw, British Foreign Secretary: "This is not about oil. This is about international peace and security."



Utah Republican Senator Bob Bennett: "This is not about oil. That was very clear. … This is about America, and

America's position in the world, as the upholder of liberty for the oppressed."

And Washington Post columnist

Richard Cohen joined war-monger Richard Perle in calling Representative Dennis Kucinich a "liar" (or at very least

a "fool"), because Kucinich suggested the war might be motivated in part by a U.S. interest in Iraqi oil.

What

lessons are to be drawn from the Greenspan-Kissinger revelations, other than that political leaders routinely lie

or engage in mass self-delusion?

Controlling the U.S. war machine will require ending the U.S. addiction to

oil -- not just foreign oil, but oil. There are of course other reasons that ending reliance on fossil fuels is

imperative and of the greatest urgency.

More and more people are making the connections -- but there's no

outpouring in the streets to overcome the entrenched economic interests that seek to maintain the petro-military

nexus. A good place to start: The No War, No Warming actions

www.nowarnowarming.org (http://www.nowarnowarming.org/) planned for October 21-23 in Washington, D.C.

and around the United States.


Robert Weissman is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Multinational Monitor,

<http://www.multinationalmonitor.org> (http://www.multinationalmonitor.org/) and director of Essential

Action <http://www.essentialaction.org> (http://www.essentialaction.org/).

(c) Robert Weissman

idesign
09-17-2007, 07:54 PM
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/16/AR2007091601287_pf.html

Quotes of

Alan Greenspan from Bob Woodward's interview in the Post, without the spin:

"Greenspan, who was the country's

top voice on monetary policy at the time Bush decided to go to war in Iraq, has refrained from extensive public

comment on it until now, but he made the striking comment in a new memoir out today that "the Iraq War is largely

about oil." In the interview, he clarified that sentence in his 531-page book, saying that while securing global oil

supplies was "not the administration's motive," he had presented the White House with the case for why removing

Hussein was important for the global economy."

"I was not saying that that's the administration's motive,"

Greenspan said in an interview Saturday, "I'm just saying that if somebody asked me, 'Are we fortunate in taking

out Saddam?' I would say it was essential."

He said that in his discussions with President Bush and Vice

President Cheney, "I have never heard them basically say, 'We've got to protect the oil supplies of the world,'

but that would have been my motive."

Greenspan said he had backed Hussein's ouster, either through war or covert

action. "I wasn't arguing for war per se," he said. But "to take [Hussein] out, in my judgment, it was something

important for the West to do and essential, but I never saw Plan B" -- an alternative to war. (what

would be an alternative? assasination? The UN was powerless, after how many resolutions?)

As for Iraq,

Greenspan said that at the time of the invasion, he believed, like Bush, that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction

"because Saddam was acting so guiltily trying to protect something." While he was "reasonably sure he did not have

an atomic weapon," he added, "my view was that if we do nothing, eventually he would gain control of a

weapon."

His main support for Hussein's ouster, though, was economically motivated. "If Saddam Hussein had been

head of Iraq and there was no oil under those sands," Greenspan said, "our response to him would not have been as

strong as it was in the first gulf war. And the second gulf war is an extension of the first. My view is that

Saddam, looking over his 30-year history, very clearly was giving evidence of moving towards controlling the Straits

of Hormuz, where there are 17, 18, 19 million barrels a day" passing through.

Greenspan said disruption of even 3

to 4 million barrels a day could translate into oil prices as high as $120 a barrel -- far above even the recent

highs of $80 set last week -- and the loss of anything more would mean "chaos" to the global economy.

Given that,

"I'm saying taking Saddam out was essential," he said. But he added that he was not implying that the war was an

oil grab.
Close quotes

Open rant
Before anyone shrieks "no blood for oil" again I wish they would sit and think

beyond their own political leanings for just long enough to realize that, like it or not, we have a global economy

dependent on oil, and any disruption of the supply would cause massive suffering among billions of people worldwide,

mostly the poor who could not absorb the increased costs of everything should oil prices rise substantially.

A catastrophic interruption in the supply (like a tyrant controlling a major shipping lane) would cause worldwide

anarchy.

What Greenspan, and others, understood was that Saddam Hussein could not be left to further escalate

his genuine threat to an International interest, not just the interests of the US. I think its very short sighted

to belittle the kind of threat which has historically been proven to be death to the least deserving.

You may or

may not agree with the other motivations for the Iraqi invasion, but you might consider them an alternative to

tyranny, which, by its very nature, spreads until it's contained.

Weissman:
"What lessons are to be drawn

from the Greenspan-Kissinger revelations, other than that political leaders routinely lie or engage in mass

self-delusion? "

"Controlling the U.S. war machine will require ending the U.S. addiction to oil -- not just

foreign oil, but oil. There are of course other reasons that ending reliance on fossil fuels is imperative and of

the greatest urgency."

Sigh... such a predictable response, regurgitated since the 60s, and his knee jerks

my chain. This highlights the latest trend in "progressive" "thought": to blame the US for all evils.

Self-delusion? Haha. hahahaha. hahahahahahaa!!

Maybe we should all move to China, which has no dependence on

oil, doesn't pollute, has no human rights problems, has no political designs on other countries, and sports a wide

open freedom of speech and religion. Nirvana is just around the world. I know this is a specious comment, but it

should point out the folly of some brass trumpet saying something really dumb like "Stop Plate Tectonics, Now!"

There's a bumper sticker for ya'.

I wish it was different, really, but its not.
Rant Off

There, I've

gone an misbehaved again. Good post Jim. We disagree perhaps, but its a worthwhile discussion.
Greg

idesign
09-18-2007, 05:29 PM
Hey Jim, For current purposes

I'm redefining this icon :POKE: to mean extending an olive branch. :) I get carried away, sorry.

It

occurred to me today that if the US went to war just for oil, we would have it. Look at our involvement in Kuwait.

Who could possibly have stopped us from just, well, taking over. Actually we did take over, but then we left, and

the sovereign gov't was left intact to carry on. We'll do the same in Iraq if the tribes agree to get along. And

the oil will continue to flow worldwide. Lest we forget, it benefits the oil producing countries to keep the flow

open. The Saudis are purely self-interested in these war-and-oil matters. Allies today but manipulating OPEC

tomorrow.

The Int'l petro-economy is a fact of life until its not. I kind of think that alternative sources

of energy will come into full play the day after the last drop of oil is pumped through the last carburetor on

earth. Of course I'm speaking figuratively, but weaning from oil won't be overnight.

I've been doing a

lot of research on green building the last few years. I helped a couple design a house with as much green

technology as was available in their budget. This is an area which is gaining popularity but not nearly enough.

Green is expensive, but has increasing returns both in real costs over time and less impact on increasingly scarce

resources.

There's a lot we can do if we think, plan and conserve until the alternatives to oil are

available and affordable.

I just have a hard time with conspiracy theory and negativism. Political agendas

inhibit progress at every level, see Congress; Bureaucracy.

The operative phrase in all of this is "do

something".

Mtnjim
09-18-2007, 06:03 PM
It occurred

to me today that if the US went to war just for oil, we would have it.

Personally, I think we ended up in

Iraq because that chimp in the White House wanted to prove to his daddy that he could really accomplish something,

that he wasn't just a Fu**up. He felt that he could do this by "finishing the job" that daddy didn't, because he

was smart enough not to destabilize the entire Middle East.

belgareth
09-18-2007, 07:29 PM
Personally, I think that no

matter which monkey had ended up in the white house, we citizens were going to lose. I can't honestly think of an

action we could have taken that would have ended us up any better than things are now.

It's easy to criticise

and call names but I know I couldn't have done better and wouldn't even try. How about the rest of you? But, my

only agenda is the fact that I despise both parties and feel believing either party is pure idiocy. The thought of

what we may end up with after the next election is even worse than what we had to choose from in the last two. What

a dismal place we've allowed our nation to get too.

idesign
09-18-2007, 08:59 PM
Personally,

I think we ended up in Iraq because that chimp in the White House wanted to prove to his daddy that he could really

accomplish something, that he wasn't just a Fu**up. He felt that he could do this by "finishing the job" that daddy

didn't, because he was smart enough not to destabilize the entire Middle East.

C'mon Jim, its not so

easy as that. The Middle East has been "destabilized" since Abraham fooled around with Hagar. I mean this

literally.

We would not be where we are if Bush 41 had just gone in and taken out Saddam before he became a

greater threat. As it is, the current Bush had to clean up a very undesirable mess.

Mtnjim
09-19-2007, 10:22 AM
Bel, I gotta absolutely and

completely agree with you. Sadly the times I seem to be pro Democrat or pro Republican are the times I'm simply

making lemonade.:frustrate

belgareth
09-19-2007, 02:43 PM
Bel, I

gotta absolutely and completely agree with you. Sadly the times I seem to be pro Democrat or pro Republican are the

times I'm simply making lemonade.:frustrate
I try not to judge you or your beliefs, only expressing my own

belief...Or, in this case, utter lack of belief. You honestly seem to be one of the more rational when it comes to

politics, even though I don't always agree with you.

It doesn't matter if a person is a liberal, a

conservative or some hybrid mix of something, all I want people to do is stop and think instead of quoting mantras.

Demanding the government do something they are not capable of doing, like universal healthcare, or providing a

service the already over-taxed public cannot afford is simply asking for trouble. The US government is a disaster

and is getting worse all the time. I keep hoping, and a forlorn hope it is, that people will learn basic math so

they understand that the government is destroying our country with it's ever increasing demands for more revenue.

People can't even seem to figure out that any tax, no matter what segment of the public it is levied against, will

eventually come out of their own pockets, it will be another kink in our declining quality of life in this country.

I have no hope whatsoever that they'll ever even come close to fully understanding the ramifications of the wars in

the gulf region or against terrorism.

I don't claim to understand it all either. All I can do is look at the

over all results as compared to what I believe would have happened. To tell you the truth, I think we are out ahead,

Idesign did a good job of explaining some of the reasons. Do you really believe that Al Gore could have done better?

I don't.

idesign
09-19-2007, 06:13 PM
I agree with both of you guys on

this point, and I love the way Jim phrased it. re lemonade. The terms Democrat and Republican have grown so close

to meaning the same thing, admittedly. But there are some issues that keep me a little swayed one way, for what its

worth. That includes both domestic and foreign policies.

Touching on the tax theme, I'm appalled at the

sheep-like reaction of the masses to lay down and accept what should be an outrage against a gov't hell bent on

robbing the people and wasting it on proven failures. Arrgghh!! That, by the way, is but one of the key

differences between a conservative and a liberal. The current Bush should have his pen confiscated on this point.

I applaud his tax cuts, but geez, he's spent like the proverbial drunken sailor.

belgareth
09-19-2007, 07:17 PM
You know, you two, it takes all

the fun out of it when we can sit here and agree. Geeze!

idesign
09-19-2007, 07:34 PM
You

know, you two, it takes all the fun out of it when we can sit here and agree. Geeze!

:lol: I'm sure

there's plenty of disagreement to be spread around! I just don't want to be accused of having the "asshole gene".

I tend to be strong in my beliefs, but I AM a nice guy, and accept differences. Civil debate is something lost in

our society, I'd like to reclaim it.

belgareth
09-20-2007, 03:17 AM
You sound like me. Debate can

be both fun and educational if people can approach it in a mature manner. It is pretty rare though, too find a

couple of people who agree with me about government. Normally, most people are very polarized and don't even want

to think about differring opinions. There is often something I can learn from them but so many refuse to even think

there could be any perspective besides their own.

In my own view of the world, I've found that expecting the

worst of politicians and politics tends to lead to fewer disappointments.

idesign
09-20-2007, 07:39 PM
I wonder how the kids growing up

now in this vitriolic political/media environment will turn out? I guess the smart ones will get fed up and

hopefully change the world.

How could they not get fed up? So much of what is said in the public debate is

meaningless, and insulting to even the mildest intelligence. A big concern though is that kids are being brought up

in an environment where politicians can say anything, whether true or not, to get whatever desired outcome. If

things go badly the next news cycle will have something more titillating and your lie is buried under the latest OJ

BS. News becomes gossip and the important issues are not sexy enough.

There are just too many words chasing too

little truth.